Przemysł II

Przemysł II
19th century depiction by Jan Matejko.
King of Poland
Tenure	1295–1296
Coronation	26 June 1295 at Gniezno Cathedral
Predecessor	Bolesław II the Generous
Successor	Wenceslaus II of Bohemia
High Duke of Poland
Tenure	1290–1291
Predecessor	Henryk IV Probus
Successor	Wenceslaus II of Bohemia
Duke of Greater Poland
Tenure	1279–1296
Predecessor	Bolesław the Pious
Successor	Władysław I the Elbow-high
Born	(1257-10-14)14 October 1257 Poznań, Kingdom of Poland
Died	8 February 1296(1296-02-08) (aged 38) Rogoźno, Kingdom of Poland
Burial	at Archcathedral Basilica of St. Peter and St. Paul, Poznań
Spouse	Ludgarda of Mecklenburg Rikissa of Sweden Margaret of Brandenburg
Issue	Ryksa Elisabeth
House	Piast dynasty
Father	Przemysł I of Greater Poland
Mother	Elisabeth of Wrocław

Przemysł II (Polish: [psh'emyh's'w] also given in English and Latin as Premyslas or Premislaus or less properly Przemysław; 14 October 1257 – 8 February 1296), was the Duke of Poznań from 1257^[1]–1279, of Greater Poland from 1279–1296, of Kraków from 1290–1291,^[2] and Gdańsk Pomerania (Pomerelia) from 1294–1296, and then King of Poland from 1295 until his death. After a long period of Polish High Dukes and two nominal kings, he was the first to obtain the hereditary title of King, and thus to return Poland to the rank of Kingdom.^[3]

A member of the Greater Poland branch of the House of Piast as the only son of Duke Przemysł I and the Silesian princess Elisabeth, he was born posthumously;^[3] for this reason he was brought up at the court of his uncle Bolesław the Pious and received his own district to rule, the Duchy of Poznań, only in 1273. Six years later, after the death of his uncle, he also obtained the Duchy of Kalisz.^[4]

In the first period of his government, Przemysł II was involved only in regional affairs, first in close collaboration and then competing with the Duke of Wrocław, Henryk IV Probus.^[5] This policy caused the rebellion of the prominent Zaremba family and the temporary loss of Wieluń.^[6]

Working with the Archbishop of Gniezno, Jakub Świnka, he sought the unification of the principalities of the Piast dynasty.^[7] Unexpectedly, in 1290, under the will of Henryk IV Probus, he managed to obtain the Duchy of Kraków^[8] and with this the title of High Duke of Poland; however, not having sufficient support from the local nobility (who supported another member of the Piast dynasty, Władysław I the Elbow-high) and faced with the increasing threats of King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, Przemysł II finally decided to step down from Lesser Poland,^[9] which was then under the rule of Přemyslid dynasty.^[10]

In 1293, thanks to the mediation of Archbishop Jakub Świnka, he joined into a close alliance with the Kuyavian princes Władysław the Elbow-high and Casimir II of Łęczyca.^[11] This alliance was anti-Bohemian, and his goal was to recover Kraków, then in the hands of King Wenceslaus II.

After the death of Duke Mestwin II in 1294, and according to the Treaty of Kępno^[12] signed in 1282, Przemysł II inherited Pomerelia. This strengthened his position and enabled his coronation as King of Poland.^[13] The ceremony was held on 26 June 1295 in Gniezno, and was performed by his ally Archbishop Jakub Świnka.^[14]

Only nine months later, on 8 February 1296, Przemysł II was murdered during a failed kidnapping attempt made by men of the Margraves of Brandenburg, with some help from the Polish noble families of Nałęcz and Zaremba.^[9][15]

Birth, name and nickname

Przemysł II was born on 14 October 1257 in Poznań as the fifth child and only son of Duke Przemysł I of Greater Poland and his wife Elisabeth, daughter of Duke Henry II the Pious of Silesia. It is known that he was born in the morning, because according to the Chronicle of Greater Poland, when Dowager Duchess Elisabeth gave birth to a son, the vicars and canons of the city were singing morning prayers.^[16] At the news of the birth, the local clergy chanted the Te Deum laudamus.^[17] Shortly after his birth, the prince was baptized by the Bishop of Poznań, Bogufał III.^[18]

According to the Chronicle of Greater Poland (Kronika wielkopolska),^[19] Przemysł II was named after his father, who had died four months before his birth, on 4 June 1257. The form of the name in the days of his contemporaries certainly sounded like Przemysł or possibly Przemyśl. However, due to the fact that the word "Przemysł" (English: Industry) means production of a good or service within an economy today, it's reasonable to be considered that his name could be a valid form from Przemysław, especially as this version is undoubtedly more medieval (occurs at the beginning of the 14th century).^[20] Another name under which the Duke of Greater Poland was probably known, following the indications of the Rocznik Kołbacki,^[21] is Peter (Polish: Piotr), but Oswald Balzer considered this an obvious mistake.^[22] The only historian who recognized the name Peter as authentic was K. Górski.^[23]

No sources about contemporary rulers provided information about a nickname. Only in sources related to the Teutonic Order from 1335 he is given the nickname Kynast.^[24] In current historiography he is sometimes nicknamed Posthumous (Polish: Pogrobowiec),^[25] but this has not been universally accepted.

Under the tutelage of his uncle Bolesław the Pious (1257–1273)

Childhood

At the time of is birth, Przemysł II was the nominal ruler of the Duchy of Poznań. The guardianship of the Duchy, probably alongside with his mother Elisabeth,^[26] was taken by his uncle Duke Bolesław the Pious and his wife, the Hungarian princess Jolenta (Helena). In consequence the prince remained at the court in Poznań, where his mother raised him. On 16 January 1265 Dowager Duchess Elisabeth died at her estate in Modrze,^[27] and the orphaned Przemysł together with his sisters were later cared for by their uncle and aunt.

Very little information exists about the education given to Przemysł II. Diplomatic sources have retained only the names of two of his teachers: Dragomir and Przybysław.^[28] It is assumed (although without any direct evidence) that the prince had some knowledge of at least Latin in speech and writing.^[29]

War with Brandenburg. Expedition to Neumark

The next mention of Przemysł II came in 1272, when his uncle Duke Bolesław the Pious appointed him the nominal commander of an armed expedition against Brandenburg. The true commanders of the expedition were the Governor of Poznań, Przedpełk and the Castellan of Kalisz, Janko. The expedition was launched on 27 May; in addition to the specific purpose to acquire and destroy the newly built fortress in Strzelce Krajeńskie (or, in case it proved to be impossible, at least the desolation of Neumark), the young prince was to be educated in the art of war. The project, as was detailed in the Chronicle of Greater Poland,^[30] failed completely, because the city of Strzelce Krajeńskie after a short, but extremely fierce battle, was defeated and captured by the Greater Poland army. According to the Chronicle, while gaining command of the fortress, Przemysł II ordered the slaughter of the defenders, and only a few managed to save the life of the prince from the angered citizens.^[31]

Shortly after completing the expedition and with the majority of his forces in his way back, Przemysł II received a confidential message that the fortress of Drezdenko was protected by only a few German knights. The young prince, despite the fact that he only had a part of his forces, decided to make a quick attack. This completely surprised the defenders and fearing the same fate of soldiers from Strzelce Krajeńskie, they decided to surrender the fortress in exchange for a full pardon. After this, Przemysł II took the fortress in the name of his uncle and triumphantly returned home.^[32]

In the same year, Przemysł II concluded his first alliance with Duke Mestwin II of Pomerelia. At first an ally of the Margraves of Brandenburg, Mestwin II could expel his brother and uncles from Pomerania and became sole ruler in 1271, but shortly after he was defeated and even imprisoned by them; this caused him to cede the province of Gdańsk to Margrave Conrad of Brandenburg in exchange for aid against his foes. Despite Mestwin II retained the feudal sovereignty over the territory, the Brandenburg Margraviate still occupied the main castles and fortresses of the city even after the restoration of Mestwin II in the ducal throne. With his knowledge that his forces are too weak against Brandenburg, the Pomeranian Duke decided then to make an alliance with the Greater Poland rulers, Bolesław the Pious (who probably was his first-cousin)^[33] and Przemysł II.

The Greater Poland-Pomerania alliance ended up in regaining the fortresses in Gdańsk and the complete expulsion of the Brandenburg forces from Pomerania. Although soon after Mestwin II decided to conclude a separate peace with the Margraviate, the alliance with Greater Poland signed in 1272 remained in force.^[34] The continuous threat of Brandenburg and the uncertainty of the alliance with Mestwin II, caused that Bolesław the Pious began to seek new allies in the case of war. For this purpose, Bolesław decided to seek an agreement with Duke Barnim I of Pomerania.

Marriage with Ludgarda of Mecklenburg

As a part of the new alliance with Pomerania, marriage was arranged between Przemysł II and Barnim I's granddaughter Ludgarda,^[35] daughter of Henry I the Pilgrim, Lord of Mecklenburg and Anastasia of Pomerania. Apparently, the young prince was pleased with his young bride,^[36] as stated in the Chronicle of Greater Poland:

"And when he saw her, he liked her person. And there in the country of the said Duke Barnim, in the city of Szczecin, took her as a wife. And this happened in his sixteenth year of life (1273)."^[37]

After the wedding the couple was briefly separated. Przemysł II came to Greater Poland, where together with his uncle prepared the ceremonial arrival of his wife to Poznań. Finally, together with his uncle, his aunt Jolenta, Bishop Mikołaj I of Poznań and other Greater Poland dignitaries the prince went to the border frontier in Drezdenko, where solemnly brought Ludgarda to her new home. The alliance between Greater Poland and Pomerania was directed against Brandenburg and in 1274, resulted in more than one retaliatory expedition against Greater Poland; taken by surprise, the princes watched how without major obstacles the Brandenburg army came to Poznań, and burned the main fortress of the city.^[38] Only after this, the Greater Poland knighthood was hastily organized and was able to expel the invaders.

Independent Duke of Poznań (1273–1279)

Rebellion against his uncle

In 1273 Przemysł II became an independent Duke of Poznań. The circumstances around this event are not entirely clear.^[39] On the basis of only one known source, a document dated 1 October 1273, Przemysł II began to use the title of "dux Poloniae" (Duke of [Greater] Poland).^[40] Additional news where noticed in a document issued on 25 August 1289, in which the Greater Poland ruler gave the villages of Węgielnice and Łagiewnice to the major of Gniezno, Piotr Winiarczyk, in gratitude for helping him to escape from the Gniezno fortress (however, when the incident took place wasn't mentioned in the document).^[41] In light from modern historiography, the events preceding the issue of this document could be as follows: Przemysł II, unhappy with the prolonged guardianship of his uncle, and with the support of some powerful Greater Poland magnates^[42] decided, regardless of the consequences, to assert his rights over Poznań. It's unclear at this stage whether there has been any armed incidents; in any case the demands of Przemysł II became so insistent that ended in his imprisonment in the Gniezno castle. It can be assumed^[43] that there wasn't a prison in the proper sense of the word, but under house arrest, during which Przemysł II wasn't too rigorously guarded, since the prince was able to escape from the castle without any outside help. Evidenced by the document issued to Piotr Winiarczyk, in which the writer used the phrase "qui de nocte consurgens", which allows to assume that the clerk was asleep and was completely surprised by the arrival of the prince. In any case, the real cause of this grant of lands given to Winiarczyk by Przemysł II apparently wasn't sure, and probably only equipping him with sufficient means to escape.^[44]

Alliance with Henryk IV Probus

After escaping from Gniezno, Przemysł II probably went on Lower Silesia under the care of Henryk IV Probus, Duke of Wrocław. This help was evidenced by the conclusion of an alliance (in unknown date) directed against "any man and Polish prince" with the exception of Duke Władysław of Opole and King Ottokar II of Bohemia.^[45]

An alliance between Przemysł II and Henry IV placed Bolesław the Pious in a very uncomfortable situation, because he being a member of Pro-Hungarian coalition of Polish princes (in addition to him, it included Bolesław V the Chaste, Leszek II the Black and Konrad II of Masovia) could not remain indifferent to this close cooperation with the Duke of Wrocław, which was the leader of the Pro-bohemian coalition (where other Silesian princes also belonged).^[46]

This alliance probably forced Bolesław the Pious to reconsider his threatment of his nephew and finally granted him the Duchy of Poznań in 1273.^[47] Przemysł II, in exchange, not only interrupted for a time his cooperation with the Duke of Wrocław, but decided to support his uncle in the expedition against Władysław of Opole (ally of King Ottokar II and Henryk IV Probus), in retaliation for the attempts of the Opole ruler to overthrow the government of Bolesław V the Chaste in Lesser Poland during the first half of 1273.^[48] Thus, with high probability it can be concluded that by this time the conflict between Przemysł II and his uncle for power has been finally resolved.

Very little information exists about the rule of Przemysł II over Poznań. From the period 1273–1279, are known only four documents issued by the prince, including two issued jointly with his uncle Bolesław the Pious.

Kidnapping of Henryk IV Probus by Bolesław II Rogatka. Battle of Stolec

Przemysł II's foreign politics are more known during this time. His friendly relations with Henry IV Probus survived, despite the momentary interruption, even after 1273. This alliance was maintained without significant changes, and only as a result of the events that taken place on 18 February 1277 in the town of Jelcz near Wrocław,^[49] the Duke of Poznań was forced to explicitly stood at the side of the Wrocław ruler, his cousin.^[50] Henryk IV was kidnapped and imprisoned in the Legnica castle by his uncle, Duke Bolesław II Rogatka. The pretext used by the Duke of Legnica to make this were the demands of the Duke of Wrocław over one-third of his domains, which, according to him, were part of his inheritance as legacy from both his father Henry III the White (died in 1266) and uncle Władysław (died in 1270). Bolesław II used in his favor the political weakeness of Henryk IV's guardian, King Otakar II of Bohemia, who in September 1276 was forced to submit to King Rudolph I of Germany.

Przemysł II, faithful to his previous agreements with Henry IV Probus, decided to stand at the head of the knights of Poznań, Wrocław (which generally are loyal to his ruler) and Głogów (commaned by their Duke Henry III) and marched to Legnica in order to obtain the freedom of Henry IV.^[51] The Legnica army was commanded by Bolesław II and his eldest son Henry V the Fat. The battle took place on 24 April 1277 in the village of Stolec near Ząbkowice Śląskie,^[52] and, according to modern historiography, was extremely bloody and lasted almost the entire day. Initially it seemed that the coalition Poznań-Głogów-Wrocław would had the complete victory. The situation became even more favorable to them when Bolesław II escape from the battlefield. However, his son Henry V decided to stay until the end, and in this desperate situation encouraged his knights to fight, and finally obtain the victory; to complete the success, even Przemysł II and Henry III were taken prisoners.^[53] However, according to Jan Długosz in his chronicle, for the Dukes of Legnica this was a Pyrrhic victory, since "died in this battle so countless number of people that the knights of Legnica, although the winner, they could mock the vanquished, because the bloody paid for victory".^[54] The imprisonment of the Duke of Poznań, if really occurs, was briefly. The argument against this was noted in the fact that is not recorded any losses for Przemysł II to pay for his release.

Whatever the truth was, by 5 July 1277 Przemysł II was in Lubin.^[55] The release of Henryk IV Probus took place some days later, on 22 July, after the surrender to Bolesław II of 1/5 of his Duchy, with the town of Środa Śląska at the head.^[56] Bolesław the Pious was against the participation of his nephew in this conflict, not only refused to support him militarily but also invaded the borders of the Duchy of Wrocław, trying to assert financial claims. Moreover, at this point, he gave his daughter Elizabeth in marriage to Henry V the Fat.^[57]

In additional fact for a quick end to this conflict among the Silesian princes was the personal intervention of King Ottokar II of Bohemia, who in preparation for his final confrontation with King Rudolph I of Habsburg German needed to calm the situation in Poland.^[58]

Cooperation with King Ottokar II of Bohemia

In September 1277 King Ottokar II held in the border city of Opava a meeting of Polish princes. Sources doesn't specify either the exact date or the participants. Historians speculate only that they could be: Henryk IV Probus, Bolesław V the Chaste, Leszek II the Black, Władysław of Opole with his sons, Henry III of Głogów and Przemysł II.^[59] They are also known political decisions that were made there, but taking into account the subsequent events, is sure that there agreed the issue of a military cooperation against Germany.

The decisive battle between Ottokar II and Rudolph I took place on 25 August 1278 in the known Battle on the Marchfeld. As many 1/3 of the Czech army were supposed to be allied with the Polish troops. Przemysł II wasn't among them, because he was then in Ląd.^[60] However this doesn't mean that, as historians speculate, he didn't send troops to the Bohemian King as was planned.^[61]

Improving relations with Bolesław the Pious. Congress of Ląd

The apparent difference of interests between Przemysł II and his uncle Bolesław the Pious in the Silesian and Czech affairs, didn't disturbed their good relations. Evidence of this was the common issuance of documents, such as 6 January 1278.^[62]

Another proof of the close cooperation between uncle and nephew in the last years of Bolesław the Pious' life are in the events that taken place in mid-1278 (probably in August):^[63] Bolesław, using the weakeness of the Margraviate of Brandenburg during the fight between Ottokar II and Rudolph I, in only eight days attacked Neumark and advanced until Myślibórz, where his troops defeated Margrave Otto V the Long.^[64]

Przemysł II didn't participate in this expedition (at least directly, according to Jan Długosz^[65]), because at that moment he was in Ląd, according to a document dated 24 August 1278.^[66][67] Certainly by the command of his uncle,^[68] Przemysł II acted as mediator in the dispute between Dukes Leszek II the Black and Ziemomysł of Inowrocław and his subjects.^[69]

Przemysł II was able to end the dispute between Leszek and Ziemomysł with their local nobility definitively. The Duke of Inowrocław had to agree to two conditions: firstly, in his court all the noble families would be well-tolerated and respected, and secondly, he had put a distance from his German advisors. In addition Ziemomysł also have to accept the surrender of the towns of Kruszwica and Radziejów to Bolesław the Pious and Wyszogród to Duke Mestwin II of Pomerelia.^[70] The friendly relations between Przemysł II and the Kuyavia Dukes proved to be durable and survived to the end of his reign.^[71] The expedition against Brandenburg in 1278 was the last important event in Bolesław the Pious' life. "Maximus trumphator de Teutonicis" (in: The highest winner on the Germans^[72]), died on 13^[73] or 14^[74] April 1279 in Kalisz. Without male heirs, shortly before his death declared his nephew his only and legitimate heir and urged him to take care of his wife Jolenta-Helena and his two underage daughters, Hedwig and Anna.^[75]

Duke of Greater Poland (1279–1290)

Addition of Greater Poland to his domains

The inheritance of Greater Poland by Przemysł II went peacefully. The union proved to be durable, and with the exception of its borders with the Duchy of Wrocław, survived throughout his reign. However, despite the personal unification of the territory, the division between Kalisz and Gniezno persisted almost to the end of the 18th century. Later, in times of Casimir III the Great, there was also a visible division between the old voivodeships of Poznań and Kalisz.

Cooperation with the local nobility and relations with his neighbors

An analysis of the contemporary documents^[76] showed that in the first period of his rule over all Greater Poland, Przemysł II relied on the following nobles: Jan Gerbicz, Bishop of Poznań; members of the powerful noble family of Zaremba: Andrzej, chancellor of Kalisz (since 1288 the first "cancellerius tocius Polonia") and later Bishop of Poznań; Sędziwój, chamberlain of Gniezno; Beniamin, voivode of Poznań; and Arkembold, voivode of Gniezno. Other close collaborators were Wojciech Krystanowic z Lubrzy, chamberlain of Poznań; Tomisław Nałęcz, Poznań castellan; Maciej, Kalisz castellan; Stefan, Wieluń castellan, Mikołaj Łodzia, Poznań judge; Wincenty Łodzia, chancellor of Poznań; and the brothers Tylon, Jaśko and Mikołaj, three notaries of middle-class origin.^[77]

During the years 1279–1281, Przemysł II had a rather friendly (or at least neutral) relationship with all of his immediate neighbors.^[78]

Meeting with Henry IV Probus and imprisonment of Przemysł II. Loss of Wieluń

The Duke of Greater Poland felt quite safe when he was invited to a meeting organized by Henry IV Probus. The meeting took place probably on 9 February 1281 in one of the Silesian villages;^[79] however, the Duke of Wrocław had another plan – he broke all the rules of hospitality, imprisoned the three princes who where invited (Przemysł II, Henry V the Fat of Legnica, and Henry III of Głogów), and forced them to make political concessions.^[80] This action was made even more outrageous by the fact that only four years earlier Przemysł II and Henry III risked their lives and armies to save Henry IV Probus in the Battle of Stolec, which ended with victory of Henry V the Fat, the third guest of this meeting. Historians speculate^[81] that the reason for the Duke of Wrocław to make this radical move was probably his desire to increase his influence over the neighboring principalities as part of his own plans for a royal coronation.^[82]

Finally, after brief resistance, Przemysł II was forced to give the strategic Lesser Polish land of Wieluń (also known as Ruda) in order to obtain his release, because Henry IV wanted a direct connection between Wrocław and Lesser Poland. The imprisonment of Przemysł II did not last too long, because on 3 March he was documented to have been in Poznań.^[83] Henry III and Henry V the Fat were both forced to grant much larger territorial concessions. In addition, the three Dukes agreed that upon the request of the Duke of Wrocław they would each give him military aid in the amount of thirty lancers. So this was, in practice, an act of homage.

The rapid release of Przemysł II could have been aided by the intervention of Leszek II the Black and Mestwin II of Pomerelia.^[84] The reason for the arrival of Mestwin II to Greater Poland, in addition to helping his imprisoned ally, was to settle the claims of the Teutonic Order over parts of Pomerelia and to resolve the issue of succession after his own death; from his first marriage, Mestwin II had only two daughters, Catherine and Euphemia.^[85] The situation was further complicated by the fact that Mestwin II gained the rule over all the Duchy of Pomerelia after a war against his uncles, Racibor and Sambor II, who in revenge for this willed his possessions (including Białogard and Gniew) to the Teutonic Order upon his death in 1278.^[86]

Treaty of Kępno. Przemysł II, heir of Gdańsk Pomerania

The first talks between Przemysł II and Mestwin II about the latter's succession probably occurred around 1281, on occasion of the arrival of the Duke of Pomerelia in Greater Poland to visit the Benedictine Abbey in Lubin.^[87] Although there is no direct evidence that Przemysł II was also in the Abbey in person, the presence of Jan I of Wysokowce, Bishop of Poznań and other Greater Poland dignitaries suggest that a compromise was then suggested. At the beginning of the next year Mestwin II again went to southern Greater Poland, in order to talk with the Papal legate Filippo di Fermo about his dispute with the Teutonic Order over the possession of the towns of Gniew and Białogard. The legate stayed in Milicz, which belonged to the Diocese of Wrocław. Due to the friendly relations of Przemysł II (and thus his ally Mestwin II) with Henry IV Probus, the Duke of Pomerania decided to stop at the frontier village of Kępno (also in the Diocese of Wrocław), and waited to hear the legate's verdict.^[88]

In Kępno, Mestwin II probably expected the arrival of the Duke of Greater Poland.^[89] Here, on 15 February 1282, a treaty was concluded between Przemysł II and Mestwin II, which secured the future unification of Gdańsk Pomerania and Greater Poland.^[90] Witnesses in the signed document, among others, were Pomeranian Voivode Waysil, Poznań voivode Beniamin, Gniezno voivode Arkembold, Poznań judge Mikołaj, Kalisz judge Andrzej, and the Dominican monk Piotr (later Prince-Bishop of Cammin from 1296–1298), who was probably the person who wrote the text. In Kępno were certainly also other more important dignitaries of both districts (unlikely to Mestwin II, who was accompanied by only one voivode).

There are ongoing disputes between historians about the exact nature of the Treaty of Kępno. According to some historians (for example Balzer^[91] and Wojciechowski^[92]) the treaty was a classic pact of mutual inheritance, in which the one who survives the other inherits his territory. According to others (like Kętrzyński, Baszkiewicz, Zielinska, Nowacki and Swieżawski), it was a one-sided arrangement or donation for life from Mestwin II to Przemysł II (called donatio inter vivos).^[93] Another theory was posed by Janusz Bieniak.^[94] He believed that Mestwin II simply paid homage for his lands to the ruler of Greater Poland, who became the de jure ruler of the territory. Currently, the second theory is the most accepted, mainly because it agrees entirely with the contemporary sources. Since 1282 Przemysł II formally used the title of "dux Pomeranie" (Duke of Pomerania), but during Mestwin II's life he renounced his claim to the rights over Gdańsk Pomerania (Pomerelia).

As was customary, the treaty would have to be approved by the nobles and knights of both lands. The meeting between the nobility of Pomerelia and Greater Poland took place between 13–15 September 1284 in the town of Nakło, where they confirmed the rights of Przemysł II over Gdańsk Pomerania.^[95] The unification of Pomerelia and Greater Poland was not the only decision made by Przemysł II and Mestwin II. The favors shown by the Duke of Pomerelia to the powerful witnesses of the agreement from Greater Poland showed that they were also keenly interested in the close integration of the two lands.^[96]

Sudden death of Ludgarda of Mecklenburg, first wife of Przemysł II

In December 1283 in Gniezno, at the age of 22 or 23 years, Ludgarda, wife of Przemysł II, died unexpectedly.^[97] Relations between the spouses for some time before her death weren't certainly the best. Perhaps even took place a separation between them. The reason for this was the supposed infertility of Ludgarda, more apparent after ten years of marriage. The actual period of marital intercourse between the spouses given their age (both are quite young at the time of their wedding) could actually be shorter. Indeed, there is no direct proof about Ludgarda's barrenness beyond the lack of offspring; in that times, the childlessness in marriage was usually women's fault, although in this case (due to the birth of a daughter from Przemysł II's second marriage), it seems more likely. Wasn't a real surprise when began to emerge against the Duke of Greater Poland accusations of the suspected murder of his wife.^[98] It must be noted, however, that no contemporary source mention this, a fact more surprising because Przemysł II had bitter enemies who certainly would use this crime against him. Also any reactions from church or public penance would noticed.

The first suggestion about Ludgarda's mysterious death came from the 14th century Rocznik Traski:

In the same year died unexpectedly the spouse of Przemysł Duke of Greater, the daughter of Lord Nicholas of Mecklenburg named Lukarda. Nobody could figure out how she died.^[99]

The chronicler of the Rocznik Traski doesn't suggest an unnatural death for the Duchess, but leave some doubts about it. The Rocznik małopolski, by the other hand, spoke clearly about Ludgarda's murder in the Szamotuły code, in which added further information about this event:

Regardless of the historian (I might add) we have seen in our youth in the streets of Gniezno a wooden chapel, which in the vernacular lenguage is called vestibule, where exist two great stones in the shape of millstones reddened with the blood of that lady, who are completely worn and faded, and were deposited in her tomb at Gniezno cathedral.^[100]

Another source who describe the death of Ludgarda was the Kronika oliwska, written in the mid-14th century by Abbot Stanisław. On the pages of his work the author clearly showed aversion towards the Samborid dynasty, rulers of Pomerelia until the end of the 13th century. This aversion is also transferred to Przemysł II:

When Prince Mestwin was buried in Oliwa, Przemysł arrived in Gdańsk and took possession of the duchy of Pomerania. Then he received from the Holy See the crown of the Polish Kingdom. He lived another year and was captured by the men of the Margrave of Brandenburg, Waldemar, who killed him to avenge the holy Lukarda his wife, suspecting that he had strangled her.^[101]

It's unknown why the Margraves of Brandenburg would avenge the murder of Ludgarda, since this could placed them in a dangerous position, considering their alliance with Pomerelia-Greater Poland. The reports of the Kronika oliwska were repeated in Mecklenburg by chronicler Ernst von Kirchberg,^[102] a wandering bard from Thuringia, who around 1378 appears at the court of Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg (Ludgarda's nephew) on occasion to his wedding. Shortly after von Kirchberg wanted to show his thanks for the Duke's hospitality and wrote a long rhyming poem, in which he also mentions Ludgarda. The story of the chronicler was as follows: Przemysł II, at the instigation of his mother Elizabeth of Wrocław (who is well known had died in 1265, long time before the marriage of her son) requested his wife for a divorce and return her to Mecklenburg. In view of her refusal because "What God has joined, men must not divide", Przemysł II decided her imprisonment in the tower, where he tried to persuade her again to accept a divorce. Finally, due to her obstinacy, Przemysł II killed her with his own dagger. In this event he was helped by one of his ministers, who finished the deed by suffocating a dying Ludgarda with a towel.

The last important source for the history of Ludgarda are Annals of Jan Długosz,^[103] who wrote about this events almost two centuries after (around 1480). Długosz was the first chronicler who locates Poznań as the place of Ludgarda's death. Besides, he established her date of death on 14 December, who is corroborated by contemporary sources as a date of her burial. Modern historiography had believed in the complete innocence of Przemysł II in the sudden death of his wife.^[104]

Based on the findings of Brygida Kürbis, it can be concluded that the 10-year marriage of Przemysł II and Ludgarda wasn't successful, and over time it became more obvious to everyone that the ducal couple was unable to had children, although this couldn't be completely certain, because Ludgarda in 1283 was at most only 23 years. Nevertheless, is assumed that Przemysł II's growing aversion to his wife because of her infertility was well known by all. So when in mid-December 1283^[105] Ludgarda died suddenly and loneliness (evidenced by her death in Gniezno, away from Przemysł II's court in Poznań), among people arose suspicion that the death of the duchess was unnatural. Nobody, however, had evidence of this, but aroused some doubts. Contributing to rumors was that in the 13th century medical knowledge was negligible, and therefore often sudden death of a young person was interpreted as unnatural. In addition, the duke's rejection for a proper mourning to his wife, who was universally liked, increased the suspicions against Przemysł II.

Election of Jakub Świnka as Archbishop of Gniezno

On 18 December 1283, a few days after Ludgarda's funeral, Greater Poland witnessed an extremely important event for later history of Poland: the consecration of Jakub Świnka as Archbishop of Gniezno. The event took place in the Franciscan church in Kalisz and was extremely important because after twelve years (since the death in 1271 of Archbishop Janusz Tarnowa) Poland wasn't a full-recognized prelate.^[106] Jakub Świnka received the papal nomination on 30 July 1283, however, because he was only a deacon, was needed to give him an ordination. This ceremony took place on 18 December and a day later Jakub received the episcopal consecration. At the ceremony, according to sources, assisted five Polish bishops and Przemysł II, who gave the new Archbishop an expensive ring as a gift.^[107]

Little is known about the origin and early years of Jakub Świnka, except for his mention in a document issued by Bolesław the Pious.^[108][109] As Archbishop of Gniezno, the cooperation between him and Przemysł II was excellent. One example of this was the fact that he appeared as witness in 14 diplomats^[110] issued by the Duke of Greater Poland, including the confirmation of all his existing privileges and the permission to mint his own coins in Żnin and the castellany of Ląd.^[111]

War against Western Pomerania. Congress of Sieradz

In the first half of 1284 Przemysł II was involved on the side of Denmark and Brandenburg in an armed conflict against Western Pomerania and Rügen. Details about this event are little, and the peace, which was concluded on 13 August, didn't bring any real benefits to Greater Poland.^[112]

Much more possitive effects could bring to Przemysł II his friendly relations with Leszek II the Black, Duke of Kraków, with had a meeting in Sieradz on 20 February 1284. Details about the reason and talks of this reunion are unknown, but they would be productive, since Przemysł II decided to give the Kraków voivode Żegota three villages (Nieczajno, Wierzbiczany and Lulin).^[113] This good relations were maintained for some time, since seven months later, on 6 September, the Duke of Greater Poland mediated in a dispute between Leszek II the Black and his brother Casimir II of Łęczyca with the Teutonic Order.^[114] Przemysł II also didn't lose sight of the Pomerelian affairs, because on 13 September he had a new meeting with Mestwin II in the city of Nakło.^[115]

Betrayal of Sędziwój Zaremba; loss of Ołobok

According to the Rocznik Traski (based probably in older sources now missed), on 28 September 1284, Kalisz was burned.^[116] This soon caused a series of events which threatened the power of Przemysł II. Now governor of Kalisz and in the city at the time of the fire, Sędziwój Zaremba, fearing the consequences, decided to take the Kalisz castle (apparently not damaged in the fire)^[117] and give it to Henry IV Probus.^[118] At the news of the events of Kalisz, Przemysł II reacted instantly. No later than 6 October, as attested by a document issued in that time, Przemysł II was at the head of the Greater Poland knights under the city walls. In view of the refusal of submission, the duke ordered the siege. It is unknown how prolonged was this siege, but certainly soon due to the reluctance to fight from the rebels (knights and nobles probably feared that Przemysł II, after the capture of the castle, would not spare nobody), the duke agreed to negotiate with them. Eventually, Przemysł II regained his castle of Kalisz, but he had to give the newly built castle in Ołobok to Henryk IV Probus.^[119] There is no certainty that the betrayal of Sędziwój Zaremba was an isolated incident or part of a wider conspiracy from the Zaremba family. However, it can be assumed that the duke didn't believe in a familiar conspiracy because most of Sędziwój's relatives remained in their posts even after 1284.^[120] Another source supporting this is a document issued on 6 October (and thus during the period of siege) where the voivode of Poznań Beniamin Zaremba appears as a witness, and therefore had to remain in the inner circle of Przemysł II.

Przemysł II's change of attitude against Beniamin occurred in 1285. Due to little contemporary information, the cause is unknown. The Rocznik Traski only pointed that the Duke of Greater Poland imprisoned both Sędziwój and Beniamin.^[121] At the end apparently they were treated very gently, because Mestwin II of Pomerelia not only restored them their previous post but also part of the property that was confiscated them.^[122] Moreover, Beniamin appeared again in the circle of Przemysł II around 1286.^[123]

Marriage with Rikissa of Sweden

In 1285 Przemysł II decided to marry again. The chosen bride was Rikissa, daughter of the deposed King Valdemar of Sweden and Sophia of Denmark, daughter of the King Eric IV. Due to the lack of contacts between Greater Poland and Sweden, the negotiations were probably concluded through the mediation of the House of Ascania.^[124] The marriage by proxy took place in the Swedish city of Nyköping on 11 October 1285; in the ceremony, the Duke of Greater Poland was represented by the notary Tylon, who a year received from Przemysł II the village of Giecz in gratitude for his services.^[125] It's unknown when and where the formal wedding between Przemysł II and Rikissa took place, or who administered the sacrament of marriage: could be either Bishop Jan of Poznań or Jakub Świnka, Archbishop of Gniezno.^[126]

Congresses of Łęczyca and Sulejów. Consecration of a new Bishop of Poznań

The year 1285 brought to Przemysł II other successes: in January, Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno convened orchestrated a metting in the town of Łęczyca, where was also confirmed the excommunication against the main oponet of the Greater Poland ruler, Henryk IV Probus;^[127] and on 15 August assisted to another princely meeting, this time with Władysław I the Elbow-high and Ziemomysł of Inowrocław in the town of Sulejów, where probably was discussed the rebellion against Leszek II the Black and his deposition in favor of Konrad II of Czersk.^[128]

In May 1286 after the death of the Bishop of Poznań Jan Wyszkowic, was consecrated his successor Jan Gerbicz.^[129] The cooperation between the new Bishop and Przemysł II was good, although some historians wonder why Bishop Gerbicz later was surnamed "traditor" (traitor).^[130]

Recovery of Ołobok. Tripartite alliance between Greater Poland, Pomerelia and Western Pomerania

According to Jan Długosz, on 14 June 1287 some Greater Poland knights and (as was suggested by the chronicler), without the knowledge of his ruler,^[131] made a surprise attack to Ołobok, won the castle and returned the district to Greater Poland.^[132] Henryk IV Probus then decided not made any armed conflict and accepted the loss; in unknown circumstances, around this time Przemysł II also regained Wieluń (lost in 1281).^[133] It can be assumed that the attitude of the Duke of Wrocław was part of the concessions associated with his plans to obtain the throne of Kraków, and wanted in this way to ensure that benevolent neutrality of the Duke of Greater Poland.

Some months later, on 23 November in the city of Słupsk took place a meeting between Przemysł II, Mestwin II of Pomerelia and Bogislaw IV of Pomerania. There, they entered into and agreement of mutual cooperation and help against any opponent, especially the rulers of Brandenburg and Vitslav II, Prince of Rügen. The agreement also guaranteed the inheritance of Gdańsk by Bogislaw IV or his descendants in the case of the deaths of both Mestwin II and Przemysł II.^[134] In addition, this treaty contributed to a significantly deterioration of the relations between Greater Poland and the House of Ascania, rulers of Brandenburg.^[135] The treaty was subsequently confirmed at a meeting in Nakło in August 1291.

First coalition of Piast Princes. Relations with Leszek II the Black. Birth of his daughter Ryksa

According to the theory of historian Oswald Balzer, around 1287 and by inspiration of Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, took place a treaty of mutual inheritance between Leszek II the Black, Henryk IV Probus, Przemysł II and Henry III of Głogów.^[136] Balzer's theory gained immense popularity among historians.^[137] This view is refuted by Władysław Karasiewicz^[138] and Jan Baszkiewicz.^[139] However, doesn't completely exclude the possibility that during this period could be concluded any agreement between Przemysł II and Henryk IV Probus, evidenced by the fact that the Duke of Wrocław voluntary returned of lands Ołobock and Wieluń to Przemysł II in his will.^[140]

On 14 May 1288 at the Congress of Rzepce the alliance between Przemysł II and Mestwin II was further strengthened.^[141] In July, the Duke of Greater Poland visited the seriously ill Leszek II the Black in Kraków. The matters discussed in this visit are unknown.

The first and only child of Przemysł II was born in Poznań on 1 September 1288: a daughter, named Ryksa, who later became in Queen consort of Bohemia and Poland as a wife of Wenceslaus II and after his death, of Rudolph III of Habsburg.^[142] The news of the birth of her daughter were also the latest informations about Duchess Rikissa. She certainly died after that date and before 13 April 1293, when Przemysł II contracted her third and last marriage.^[143] It seems that Przemysł II had deep and strong feelings for his second wife. This is evidenced not only by the fact that he give their daughter the name of the mother, but also by a document issued on 19 April 1293 where he ceded to the Bishopric of Poznań the village of Kobylniki as payment for a lamp lit eternally at Rikissa's tomb.^[144]

Death of Leszek II the Black. Battle of Siewierz

On 30 September 1288 died childless Leszek II the Black, Duke of Kraków, Sandomierz and Sieradz.^[145] His death launched in Lesser Poland the outbreak of war. Kraków knighthood are in favor of Bolesław II of Płock, while Sandomierz knighthood supported his brother Konrad II of Czersk; by the other hand, the middle-class people favored Henryk IV Probus.^[146]

At the beginning of 1289, Silesian troops marched under the command of the Duke of Wrocław allies: Bolko I of Opole and Przemko of Ścinawa. They counted with the support of the castellan of Kraków Sulk the Bear (pl: Sułk z Niedźwiedzia), who had the control over Wawel castle.^[147] In response, a coalition against them was formed by Bolesław II of Płock, Casimir II of Łęczyca and Władysław I the Elbow-high.^[148] Surprisingly, Przemysł II joined to them, ended all his prior arrangements with the ruler of Wrocław.

The Wrocław-Opole-Ścinawa army then realized that they didn't have sufficient forces to resist the coalition of Greater Poland-Kuyavia-Masovia, and decided to retreat to Silesia, where they gathered more troops. The retreating troops were quickly followed and finally faced in the town of Siewierz in Bytom on 26 February 1289 where a bloody battle took place and culminating in a full victory for Przemysł II's allies. In the battle Przemko of Ścinawa was killed and Bolko I of Opole captured.^[149] After the battle Władysław I the Elbow-high took Kraków, and Przemysł II withdrew with his troops, making a separate truce with Henryk IV Probus.^[150] However, in 1289 Henryk IV Probus took up arms against Kraków, removing Władysław I the Elbow-high to the government of Sandomierz. This event was considered as temporary, because both Henryk IV Probus and Władysław I the Elbow-high continued to use the title of Duke of Kraków and Sandomierz.^[151]

On his way to become King (1290–1295)

Death of Henryk IV Probus. Przemysł II, ruler of Kraków

Henry IV Probus, Duke of Wrocław and Kraków died on 23 June 1290, probably poisoned.^[152] Because he died childless, in his will^[153] he bequeathed the Duchy of Wrocław to Henry III of Głogów,^[154] and Kraków -with the title of High Duke and thus the overlordship over Poland- to Przemysł II. In addition, he returned Kłodzko to King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia and also gave to the Bishopric of Wrocław the Duchy of Nysa–Otmuchów as a perpetual fief with full sovereignty.^[155]

This last dispositions are not in doubt, since they are compatible with the current political line of Henryk IV. However, the inheritance of Kraków and Sandomierz to Przemysł II, one of his most male closest relatives,^[156] caused considerable surprise among historians. In historiography, there are several theories to explain the decision of the Duke of Wrocław.^[157] Recently it's assumed that Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno was behind this testament, because on 17 June 1290, a few days before the death of Henryk IV, he was lived in Wrocław.^[158] In accordance with custom, Przemysł II had to pay some religious dispositions from Henryk IV: the transfer to Kraków Cathedral of 100 pieces of fine gold and devotion to the implementation of ornaments and liturgical books to the Tyniec monastery.^[159]

Przemysł II was probably informed very quickly about the death of the Duke of Wrocław. Due to the lack of documents, he only appears with title of Duke of Kraków for the first in a diploma issued on 25 July 1290.^[160] Characteristically, Przemysł II in any of his documents used the title of Duke of Sandomierz, because, despite having full rights over this land under the will of Henryk IV Probus, he didn't have possession of it: Władysław I the Elbow-high, in fact, had conquered the land shortly before Henryk IV's death.^[161]

In Lesser Poland, Przemysł II adopted the crowned eagle -used previously by Henryk IV Probus- as his emblem (his previous emblem, inherited from both his father and uncle, was a climbed lion).

It's unknown when exactly Przemysł II went to Kraków to assume the control. On 24 April 1290 he was still in Gniezno.^[162] Two months later he issued a document in Kraków,^[163] where he initially supported and confirmed the power of local elite (with castellan Żegota, chancellor Prokop, voivode Mikołaj and treasurer Florian among others^[164]), clergy (including the Bishop of Kraków Paweł of Przemankowo, who in another document issued on 12 September 1290 gave the right to collect tithes from the local income^[165]), and middle-class people.^[166]

Relations with Władysław I the Elbow-high. Government of Kraków

There is no certainty about the political relations between Przemysł II and Władysław I the Elbow-high, especially about who was the real ruler over the Duchy of Sandomierz. The fact that Przemysł II didn't use the title of Duke of Sandomierz supported the thesis that both competitors have accepted the Elbow-high's authority and formal possession over that land, without precluding the possibility of minor clashes.^[167]

Is also noted that Przemysł II only appointed officials only in Kraków and the surrounding areas (Wieliczka and Miechów). This probably showed that the real power of the Duke of Greater Poland confined to the city and near towns. The other territories are probably held by Władysław I the Elbow-high.^[168]

Resignation of Lesser Poland in favor of King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia

Przemysł II abandoned Kraków, capital of Lesser Poland between 12 September and 23 October 1290. He never returned.^[169] Leaving Wawel castle, he took with whim the royal crown and regalia kept in the cathedral since the times of Bolesław II the Generous.^[170] At this point he was already planning his own royal coronation.

In the meanwhile, the pretensions of Wenceslaus II of Bohemia over Lesser Poland became more evident. His claims are supported by the donation made for his maternal aunt, Gryfina (also named Agrippina) of Halych^[171] (widow of Leszek II the Black) and the investidure given to him by King Rudolph I of Germany. Both documents are no effects under Polish law; however, his military power, wealth and the cultural proximity with the Kingdom of Bohemia made Wenceslaus II a widely accepted candidate in Lesser Poland.^[172]

Przemysł II had then two choices: a military confrontation (in which, due to the predominance of the Bohemian army had no chance), or political discussions.

On 14 October 1290 in Gniezno Archbishop Jakub Świnka inaugurated a provincial synod, where assisted Jan Gerbicz, Bishop of Poznań; Tomasz Tomka, Bishop of Płock; Wisław, Bishop of Kujawy and Konrad, Bishop of Lebus (Lubusz).^[173] At the Synod, in addition to the Bishops, also assisted Przemysł II and Mestwin II of Pomerelia. Probably in this meeting, the Duke of Greater Poland decided to abandon his rights over Lesser Poland to Wenceslaus II in exchange for a monetary compensation.^[174]

It's unknown when exactly began the negotiations between Przemysł II and Wenceslaus II. They certainely ended between 6 January (the last time when Przemysł II used the title of Duke of Kraków in a document) and 10 April 1291 (the first time where Wenceslaus II used this title in charters).^[175] In addition, it's also known that by mid-April Bohemian troops led by Bishop Arnold of Bamberg are already on Wawel castle.^[176]

Alliance with Henry III of Głogów. Treaty of mutual inheritance between them

The loss of Lesser Poland didn't prevent Przemysł II to actively participate in politics. In the early 1290s (probably shortly after the death of Henryk IV Probus) he entered in a close alliance with Henry III of Głogów. Details of this treaty are no preserved, and the only knowledge of this matter derives from a document issued by Władysław I the Elbow-high in Krzywiń on 10 March 1296, in which he emphasizes that Henry III had a good rights over Greater Poland.^[177] Rejected the idea of kinship (who the Elbow-high could claim due to his marriage to Hedwig of Kalisz), it seems justified the view that in the early 1290s (certainly before January 1293, when Przemysł II became involved with the Elbow-high)was signed a treaty in which the ruler of Greater Poland give rights of succession to the Duke of Głogów.^[178]

Congress of Kalisz. Alliance with Władysław I the Elbow-high

In January 1293 occurred in Kalisz political talks between Przemysł II, Władysław I the Elbow-high and his brother Casimir II of Łęczyca. Details about the conversations are unknown; only survive two documents in which the succession of the throne of Kraków (although only teorical, because the Duchy was in the hands of Wencesalus II) would be in the following order: firstly Przemysł II, next the Elbow-High and finally the Duke of Łęczyca; in addition, they promised to help each other in the recovery of this land by any of them and annually payment of 300 pieces of fine silver to the Archbishop of Gniezno, with the obligation to duplicate the amount during the first two years.^[179] Conversations in Kalisz were certainly sensitive,^[180] and the initiator was without doubt Archbishop Jakub Świnka. The main motivation was probably to reinforce the anti-Bohemian coalition, in which the allies undertook to help each other. Przemysł II also named the Elbow-high his successor in Greater Poland in the case of his death without male heirs (although it is possible that, just in the case of Henry III of Głogów, they signed a treaty of mutual inheritance).^[181] In spite of the arrangements are not known any action from the coalition. Casimir II of Łęczyca died on 10 June 1294 in the Battle of Trojanow against Lithuania.^[182]

In the Congress of Kalisz was probably arranged (and performed) the marriage between Władysław I the Elbow-high and Hedwig of Kalisz, Przemysł II's cousin and daughter of Bolesław the Pious.^[183]

Marriage with Margaret of Brandenburg

Around the time of the Congress of Kalisz, Przemysł II decided to remarry, because his beloved wife Rikissa was certaily dead by that time (probably the year before). The chosen bride was Margaret, daughter of Albert III, Margrave of Brandenburg-Salzwedel and Matilda of Denmark, daughter of King Christopher I.^[184] This marriage was concluded for political reasons and was expected to secure the succession of Przemysł II in Pomerelia. Due to the relatively close relationship between the Duke and his bride (they are great-grandchildren of King Ottokar I of Bohemia) was needed a papal dispensation for the marriage.^[185] The wedding ceremony took place shortly before 13 April 1293; according to some historians, probably in this occasion was also celebrated the betrothal between Przemysł II's daughter Ryksa and Otto of Brandenburg-Salzwedel, Margaret's brother.^[186]

Death of Mestwin II. Duke of Pomerelia

In spring of 1294 Mestwin II of Pomerelia paid a visit to Przemysł II. In turn, the Duke of Greater Poland was in Gdańsk on 15 June 15, where he approved in Słupsk documents with Mestwin II.^[187] By 30 June 30 Przemysł II was again in Greater Poland.^[188]

The deteriorating health of Mestwin II forced Przemysł II to make another visit to Pomerelia in autumn.^[189] However, it's unknown if he was present when Mestwin II died on 25 December 1294 in Gdańsk.^[190] However, there is no doubt that Przemysł II took part in his funeral. The last Duke of Pomerelia from the Samborides was buried in the Cistercian monastery in Oliwa.^[191]

After inheriting Pomerelia, Przemysł II adopted the new title of "dux Polonie et Pomoranie".^[192] He certainly remained in Gdańsk until the beginning of April, because by 10 April he was in Poznań.^[193]

King of Poland and death (1295–1296)

Preparations for the coronation

The unification of Greater Poland and Gdańsk Pomerania (Pomerelia) definitely made Przemysł II the strongest ruler in the Piast dynasty. Already by 1290, and with the help of Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, duke began to prepare his royal coronation (earlier unsuccessfully pursued by Henryk IV Probus), the preliminary step for the unification of Poland.

Due to the occupation of Lesser Poland by Wenceslaus II, the Duke of Greater Poland had to postpone his plans until 1294. Only with the death of Mestwin II – an event which increased considerably his power among the Piasts rulers – Przemysł II, together with Archbishop Jakub, took the decisive decision for a coronation.

Przemysł II, King of Poland. Papal approval and extent of his domains

The coronation of Przemysł II and his wife Margaret took place at Gniezno Cathedral on Sunday 26 June 1295, the day of Saints John and Paul.^[194] It is unknown why it took place as a simple coronation ceremony (ordinis cororandi) despite it was the first Polish coronation in 219 years. Besides Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, the other main representants of church hierarchy who participated in the ceremony were:^[195][196] Bishops Konrad of Lubusz, Jan II of Poznań, Wisław of Włocławek and Gedko II of Płock. From the Polish episcopate, Bishops Johann III Romka of Wrocław and Jan Muskata of Kraków were possibly either present in person or sent their consents.^[197] Historians generally agree with the above list of Bishops who participated in the coronation. Certainly are some doubts about the presence of Bishop Konrad of Lubusz, who on 18 June was in Prague.^[198] However, as was noted by Kazimierz Tymieniecki,^[199] he could be able to make the travel to Gniezno for the coronation. There is no information about the secular witnesses of the coronation; certainly many dignitaries from both Greater Poland and Pomerelia must have arrived.^[200] Similarly, no sources point to the presence of other Piasts rulers in the ceremony.^[201]

The consent of Pope Boniface VIII wasn't necessary, because due to the earlier coronations Poland was already a Kingdom.^[202] Contemporary sources do not definitively confirm that Przemysł II and Archbishop obtained the approval of the Holy See for the coronation. Only the Kronika oliwska^[203] and the Kronika zbrasławska^[204] stated that the coronation took place with such consent.

If there was an explicit approval, it could influence the later effort of Władysław I the Elbow-high to obtain the Pope's permission for his own coronation; the coronation in 1320 took however place in very different circumstances, because the Elbow-high had a competitor to the throne in the person of King John of Bohemia and the Papacy was then strongly influenced by the French court.^[205] In 1295 the Papacy was an independent entity and the Polish episcopate could more calmly await the expected protests from Wenceslaus II.

Regardless of whether Przemysł II has obtained the consent of the Pope or not, the legality of his coronation wasn't questioned by his contemporaries. Even the Czech Kronika zbrasławska not denied the royal title to the Duke of Greater Poland, although it called him King of Kalisz.^[206] Finally, Wenceslaus II restricted his actions only to diplomatic protests to both Przemysł II (where he tried to persuade him to give up the crown) and the Papal Curia.^[207]

The coronation of Przemysł II gave rise to a dispute between historians about the extent of his Kingdom. Stanisław Kutrzeba pointed that Przemysł II, in fact, was crowned King of Greater Poland.^[208] This theory caused a lively discussion, which to this day doesn't give a clear answer about the monarchical status of Przemysł II.^[209] It could be expected however that Przemysł II wanted to revive through the coronation the old Kingdom of Poland, which also agrees with the inscription on the post-coronation seal Reddidit ipse pronis victricia signa Polonis,^[210] although in reality Przemysł II was politically limited to Greater Poland and Gdańsk Pomerania.

Royal government and death in Rogoźno

After the coronation Przemysł II went to Pomerelia. On 30 July he was in Słupsk, where confirmed the privileges of the Cistercian monasteries in Oliwa and Żarnowiec.^[211] He then visited other major cities: Gdańsk, Tczew and Świecie. In August 1295 he returned to Greater Poland but in October he was again in Gdańsk.^[212] This demonstrates how important was for Przemysł II the Duchy of Pomerelia.

Taking into account the fact that these events taken place in the 13th century, the sources who informed Przemysł II's death are considerable, though the Kronika wielkopolska failed to bring his work to the time of his contemporaries, and so the years 1295–1296^[213] and told the events of Rogoźno.

Sources are divided^[214] about who are the perpetrators of the murder of the Polish King: the Margraves of Brandenburg, some Polish families (the Nałęczs or Zarembas or the two families at the same time), and finally the attempts to reconcile the two theories.

One of the first sources who must be taken into account was the almost contemporary Rocznik kapituły poznańskiej.^[215] The records shows that the Brandenburg Margraves Otto V the Long, another Otto (perhaps Otto IV), and John IV, nephew of Przemysł II (as son of his oldest sister Constance), sent an army who arrived in the dawn on 8 February 1296 to the town of Rogoźno, where the King spent the Carnival to kidnap him. However, because he shows strong resistance, was wounded, and the men, unable to take injured to Brandenburg, finally killed him. Motive for the crime was the hatred of the Margraves toward the Polish King because of his coronation.

The murder of King Przemysł II by men of the Margraves of Brandenburg was also supported by the Kronika oliwska (Chronicle of Oliva), which stipulates that after the royal coronation:

lived one year, was captured by the adjutant of Waldemar, Margrave of Brandenburg, and was murdered in revenge for his wife, the holy Lukarda, which, he suspected had killed before.^[216]

With high probability it's assumed that the first part of this information, was translated from the Liber Mortuorum Monasterii Oliviensis^[217] by the author of the Kronika oliwska, Abbot Stanisław, and the message about the motives of the murder as a revenge for Ludgarda's death is the result of a latter addition of the Abbot. In this passage was established the main indication that Margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg was guilty of the crime; however, during the tragic events he couldn't participated, because in 1296 he had less than 15 years old. Waldemar certainly gained notoriety only around 1308, after his failed attempt to seize Pomerania.^[218]

Another earlier source who wrote about the death of Przemysł II at the hands of Brandenburg, was the Rocznik kołbacki of the Cistercian monastery in Kołbacz on Western Pomerania. The brief information is valuable primarily because it was the only one who named the direct perpetrator of the crime, a man named Jakub Kaszuba.^[219] The problem is that nothing certain about him was found in other sources, and besides, the name of Piotr, under what is known Przemysł II in the chronicle, raises big surprise.^[220] Most likely this is mistake of the author.

Finally, another source who accused the Margraves of Brandenburg was the relative later Chronicle of Henry of Hertford, which although written during the mid-14th century, was reliable enough because was from Germany (and therefore unsuspected of being partial). There was stated that Przemysł II died during a war between Brandenburg and Greater Poland. Another German chronicler, who unequivocally accused the House of Ascania was Dietmar of Lübeck,^[221] which also pointed that Przemysł II's wife Margaret took part in the conspiracy who killed him, due to her family relations. It's unknown whether the chronicler found this information, from earlier sources or deduced it based on the simple relationship: because Margaret came from the family accused of the murder, she had to participate.

There are a number of sources, both Polish and foreign, who accused some Polish noble families as perpetrators of the crime. Among the Polish sources who established this fact are: the Rocznik małopolski^[222] in the Szamotuły codec, the Rocznik Sędziwoja^[223] and the Kronika książąt polskich.^[224] The priority should be given to the nearest chronologically Rocznik Traski.^[225] Extremely important is also the testimony of Jan Łodzia, Bishop of Poznań during the Polish-Teutonic War of 1339, because came from a person who participated in the political life of Greater Poland of those times.^[226]

About the foreign sources who related the crime and pointed the culprits must be noted: the Annales Toruniensis (date from the early 15th century),^[227] the Kronika zbrasławska (dated from the 14th century)^[228] and the Latopis hipacki, who was written in the first half of the 14th century.^[229] From the above-mentioned chronicles (from Lesser Poland, Bohemian and Kievan Rus' provenance), the main perpetrators in the King's death were Greater Poland noble families. These families have been identified as either the Zarembas (according to the Rocznik małopolski) or the Nałęczs with the help of the Zarembas (according to the Latopis hipacki).

Finally, a third group of sources equally accused for the murder to both the Margraves of Brandenburg and the Polish noble families, for example the Rocznik świętokrzyski nowy.^[230] Almost identical information was shown in the Katalog biskupów krakowskich, dated from the 15th century; however, there is an interesting addition who also indicated that Wenceslaus II and a group of unnamed Polish princes are involved in the crime.^[231] It's unknown whether the author mentioned the involvement of Wenceslaus II as a simple deduction: because he had the greatest benefit for this crime, he must be the perpetrator.^[232] Finally, Jan Długosz indicated that the Zaremba and Nałęcz families, with the help of some "Saxons", are the perpetrators of the crime,^[233] a fact also reported by Marcin Bielski^[234] and Marcin Kromer.^[235]

8 February 1296 as the date of the crime is widely recognized. In fact, appears in the Rocznik Traski,^[236] Rocznik małopolski,^[15] Rocznik Świętokrzyski nowyw,^[237] Kalendarz włocławski^[238] and the Liber mortuorum monasterii Oliviensis.^[239] The dates given by the Rocznik kapituły poznańskiej (6 February)^[240] and the Nekrolog lubiński (4 February),^[241] as well the reports of Jan Długosz^[242] are considered erroneous.

As for the place of death, historians considers accurate the versions of the Rocznik małopolski ("prope oppidum Rogoszno")^[15] or the Rocznik Sędziwoja ("ante Rogoszno"),^[223] who stated that Przemysł II was killed near Rogoźno.

The body of 39-year-old Przemysł II was buried in the Archcathedral Basilica of St. Peter and St. Paul in Poznań, according to the Rocznik kapituły poznańskiej.^[243] The funeral was presided by Bishop Jan. Crowds of nobles, clergy, knights and common citizens taken part in the procession.

Reconstruction of the events in Rogoźno

The death of Przemysł II as a result of a failed kidnapping attempt was a matter of interest between historians.^[244] Circumstances of the death of the last of the Pias Greater Poland line was specifically studied by Karol Górski,^[245] Kazimierz Jasiński,^[246] Zygmunt Boras,^[247] Bronisław Nowacki^[248] and Edward Rymar.^[249] The importance in Polish history of the death of Przemysł II was also relevant in the works of Władysław Karasiewicz^[250] and Jan Pakulski,^[251] due to the role of the Nałęcz and Zaremba families.

In 1295 the King spent Christmas in Gniezno, where he met with Władysław I the Elbow-high.^[252] It's unknown the reason for this meeting. Probably was discussed the possibility of the recovery of Lesser Poland or the definitely defeat of Brandenburg. In any case, these conversations could be shown as a threat by the Brandenburg Margraves, who still are anxiously watching the inheritance of Pomerelia by Przemysł II after Mestwin II's death and his royal coronation.^[253] But the main concern of the House of Ascania was obvious to all: the union of the Kingdom of Poland, and that sooner or later Przemysł II will claim the lands seized by the Margraves in Greater Poland.

After 25 January 1296 the King left his capital, and surely by 3 February he was in Pyzdry. For the last days of the Carnival (between 4–7 February) Przemysł II decided to spend these festivities in the town of Rogoźno.

Leaving Pyzdry, the King certainly didn't think that about only 30 km of distance, in the Brandenburg town of Brzezina are staying the two brothers Margraves Otto IV with the Arrow and Conrad, and the sons of the latter: Otto VII, John IV and probably also the youngest, Waldemar.^[254] They were carefully informed by traitors from Przemysł II's inner circle about the King's itinerary for the next few days.

In the meanwhile, Przemysł II participated in the traditional tournaments and religious services of the Carnival. The security guard of the King became weaker, especially since probably 8 February. On that day began the forty days of Lent, and before heading out again the entourage wanted to rest.

The plan of kidnap the King by the Margraves of Brandenburg was widely detailed by the Roczniki małopolski.^[15] They probably wanted to obtain from Przemysł II the resignation of Pomerelia and with this, his plans for the unification of Polish Kingdom. The contingent was probably consisted by dozens of people, because made the kidnapping in hostile territory require adequate preparation. Direct command of the army was entrusted, according to the Rocznik kołbacki^[255] to certain Jakub, who was identified by Edward Rymar^[256] as Jakub Guntersberg (Jakub Kaszuba).

Although the personal participation of the Margraves in the kidnapping^[257] was pointed in the Rocznik kapituły poznańskie^[243] and the chronicle of Jan Długosz,^[258] this fact seems unlikely, because they would not risk their lives, with no certainty of success. In any case, an army of a few dozen men set off in the evening on 7 February (probably after sunset), by the shortest route through Noteć to the place where Przemysł II stayed. As was stated by Karol Górski,^[259] the sunset of 7 February (or properly 30 January, if we taken into account the subsequent calendar reform) occurred at 16:48, and the sunrise had come about 7:38, which gave fourteen hours to the army to quietly reach to their target.

The attack took place early in the morning of 8 February, on Ash Wednesday, when the bodyguards of the King are in a deep sleep. Despite this, they been able to organize a defense under the personal guidance of the King. Attackers are too many to overcome. The primary objective of Jakub Kaszuba's people the capture of Przemysł II; they succeeded only after the King, covered with numerous wounds, fell to the ground. The Brandenburg army seriously wounded his horse to flee towards the border with Silesia (probably with the intention to confuse the Polish army). Soon, the kidnappers realized that they weren't able to bring alive the King, and the prisoner only delays their escape. Then decided the murder of the King, a deed personally made by Kaszuba.^[260] A late tradition says that the murder took place probably in the village of Sierniki,^[261] about 6.5 km east from Rogoźno. The King's body was abandoned on the road, where was found by the knights involved in the persecution. The place were was found the body, who was the same when was committed the crime (pl: porąbania) was traditionally named Porąblic. The assassins were never caught.

Thus, there are many convincing evidence for the participation of the Margraves of Brandenburg in the murder. According to Kazimierz Jasiński,^[262] that efficient action wasn't possible without the participation of people who was close to Przemysł II. Historians are divided about what of two noble families, Nałęcz or Zaremba, participated in this event. The Zarembas are more suspicious, following the writes of the Rocznik małopolski:^[15] the rebellion of 1284, certainly caused a deterioration in their relations with the King. About the Nałęcz family, there is no accusation against them in the Rocznik świętokrzyskiego nowy^[263] or in the chronicle of Długosz;^[264] in fact, modern historiography will be writing about the friendly relationship of Przemysł II with the Grzymała and Łodzia families, but also with the Nałęcz.

Situation of Greater Poland and Gdańsk Pomerania after Przemysł II's death

The death of Przemysł II, last male member of the Piast Greater Poland line, although certainly surprised his neighbors (including Brandenburg, whose purpose was to kidnap the king, not his murder), caused the rapid intervention of all the forces who want to seize power in his domains. Probably even in February, and by March, Greater Poland was in the middle of confrontation between Władysław I the Elbow-high (supported by Bolesław II of Płock)^[265] and Henry III of Głogów (with the help of Bolko I of Opole).^[266]

The war, if it really took place, didn't last long, because on 10 March 1296 in Krzywiń an armistice was signed.^[267] Under the agreement, the Elbow-high accepted the rights of the Duke of Głogów over Greater Poland, following the terms of his previous treaty with Przemysł II. In addition the Duke of Kujawy adopted Henry III's eldest son Henry as his heir, while ensuring that at the moment of his majority the Elbow-high would provide him with the Duchy of Poznań.^[268]

It's not known why Władysław I the Elbow-high considered that Henry III of Głogów had better rights to Greater Poland than him. Generally, historians believe that it was probably because of the constant threat of Brandenburg, who seized the land of Noteć and the castles in Wieleń, Czarnków, Ujście, Santok and Drezdenko.^[269]

The second reason of Władysław I the Elbow-high for a quickly agreement with Henry III of Głogów was the intervention in Gdańsk of his nephew Leszek of Inowrocław, which made claims to this part of the lands of Przemysł II.^[270] Finally, thanks to the fast intervention of the Elbow-high in Pomerelia, Leszek retreated to his paternal domains in Inowrocław after received as compensation the town of Wyszogród.

With the death of Przemysł II came the partition of his domains, and only thanks to the instant reaction of Władysław I the Elbow-high, the losses against of Brandenburg, Głogów and Kujawy were relatively small.

Seals and Coinage

During his reign Przemysł II had only five seals:

• The first seal was inherited from his father and manifesting standing figure with a pennant in his right hand and a shield in his left. On the dial bears a climbing lion. On both sides of the form appear standing towers, of which the trumpeters blow the horns. The character of the prince's hand is shown blessing of God. Around an inscription: "Sig. Premislonis Dei Gra(cia) Ducis Polonie". This seal was in consequence used conclusively between the years 1267–1284.
• The second seal and coat of arms shows a climbing lion, and around is shown the inscription: "S. Premizlonis Dei Gra(cia) Ducis Polonie". Przemysł II used this form of seal during 1267–1289.
• The third seal, depicting the same elements of the first (figure is, however, larger and on the dial instead of a lion appears an eagle without crown), bears the inscription: "Sig Premislonis Secundi Dei Gra(cia) Ducis Polonie". It's known only from a single document issued on 12 September 1290.
• The fourth seal, used during the years 1290–1295, is larger than the previous ones and shows the prince standing with pointed cap on his head. In his left hand he holds a shield with a crowned eagle, the right pennant with crowned eagle, which runs ribbon with the inscription "Et Cra".^[272] At the bottom of the seal bears trampled by the ruler a dragon. In the rim bears the same inscription as on the third seal.
• The fifth seal was used by Przemysł II after his coronation, during 1295–1296. The new stamp is majestic and shows on the obverse the king sitting on a throne in a long robe and with long hair, wearing a crown on his head, holding in his left hand an apple with a cross in the right scepter. On the right hand of the king, the throne bears a helmet with feathers. Around the seal is shown the inscription: "S. Premislii Dei Gracia. Regis. Polonie (et Ducis) Pomoranie".^[273] Otherwise, is readed the inscription, according to K. Górski (in "Rocznik Gdański", XII, 1938, p. 29): "S(igillum) Premislii Dei Gracia Regis Polonorum et Ducis Pomora(nie)". In turn, appears on the reverse side facing the right side of the crowned eagle. The inscription on the seal raises some doubt due to the damage to the preserved copy of the seal. According to the reconstruction of Stanisław Krzyżanowski^[273] reads: "Reddidit Ips(e Deus) Victricia Signa. Polonis".

Historians do not agree why Przemysł II replaced the seal used by his father and uncle for a lion and an eagle. It's believed that either he wanted to emphasize his procedence from the Piast dynasty (the eagle in the coat of arms was also used by Władysław III Spindleshanks and Władysław Odonic), or with the symbol wanted to emphasize his rights inherited from Henryk IV Probus.^[274]

There is no known coin which can certainly be attributed to Przemysł II. However, due to the activities of mints certified by sources and the occurrence of witnesses made by the ruler of legal actions – minters,^[275] can be almost certain that any coins existed. Some historians attributed to the Greater Poland ruler two types of coins: the Bracteate, preserved in seven copies, showing a portrait in profile with a crown, holding in his hands a sword, and a coin preserved in a single copy, which differs from the first model inscription "REX" and the crowning headgear (on the second copy appears topped with a cross). Both coins resemble the Denarius from times of Bolesław II the Generous.^[276]

Economic Policy

Due to the nature of the extant sources from the times of Przemysł II (documents, and narrative texts recording mainly -if not exclusively- political events) it's difficult to indicate what were the major plans of action of the King in the economic sphere. The most important ally for Przemysł II was the Roman Catholic Church, and for obvious reasons (copists and translators is the vast majority are from the clergy) most documents who detailed their collaboration have been preserved to this day.

One of the most important political allies of Przemysł II was Jakub Świnka, Archbishop of Gniezno. Already on 8 January 1284 he managed to obtain the village of Polanów.^[108] Much more important grace of the King to Archbishop Jakub was received on 1 August when he obtain the right of mint his own coins in Żnin and the castellany of Ląd. Moreover, under these privilege of coins mint, the Archbishop was to be treated as equal with the Greater Poland ruler.^[277] Two years later, on 20 June 1286 was failed the attempt to get the same privilege of the Archbishop to Duke Bolesław II of Masovia in Łowicz; this became in the basis for the economic independence of Jakub and the economic power of Greater Poland.^[278] Also, the Bishop of Poznań received similar grants from Przemysł II for example, in 1288 in the city of Śródka,^[279] in 1289, an exemption from merchantil taxes to the episcopal city of Buk,^[280] and finally, in 1290, was approved the grant of German law for Słupca. For political reasons, there is no similar support to other bishops -with one exception- in 1287, Przemysł II released Bishop Konrad of Lubusz from the current Polish law and authorized the implementation of the German law in his diocese.^[281]

The Greater Poland ruler also tried to support monastical Orders. The surviving sources showed that among the most favored were the Cistercians and especially his monasteries in Ląd (who received grants in the years 1280, 1289, 1291 and 1293),^[282] Łekno (1280, 1283, 1288),^[283] and Gościkowo (1276, 1277, 1290).^[284] A little less support enjoyed the Benedictines (especially the monastery of Lubin, who received privileges in the years 1277, 1294, 1296),^[285] and Dominicans (his monastery in Poznań received in 1277 the right to fishing on the Warta,^[286] and the monastery of Wronki monetary grants). Przemysł II also granted small privileges to military orders: the Templars,^[287] the Hospitallers,^[288] and the Canons of the Holy Sepulchre.^[289]

Przemysł II also favored the middle class, and happily to this day are survived many documents. In 1280, the capital Poznań bought from the government lands and utilities, and received income from stalls and shambles. Three years later, the merchants were freed from paying some taxes in Greater Poland.^[290] The second main city in Greater Poland, Kalisz, received in 1282 the confirmation of some rights previously granted by Bolesław the Pious.^[291] In 1283, the Duke extended the town privileges in all the cities of Greater Poland following the model of Kalisz (Privilege of Kalisz).^[292] Another city privileges were granted in 1287 (the Jews community obtain the right to establish a local cemetery in the village of Czaszki^[293]), in 1289 (the city obtain the consent of the construction of five pharmacies and the authorization of implemented a sixth^[294]), two in 1291 (cloth sellers received from the Duke the revenue from customs duties, and the city 12 pieces of land for the purpose of grazing^[295]), in 1292 (exemption from customs duties levied in Ołobok^[296]) and in 1294 (ranging cottagers on German law in the Old Town in Kalisz^[297]).

In addition to the privileges granted to Poznań and Kalisz were known the individual privileges given to Pyzdry in 1283 (exemption from paying customs duties merchants in Greater Poland^[298]), to Rogoźno in 1280 (implementation of the German law^[299]) and Elbląg in 1294 (confirmation of privileges given by Mestwin II^[300]).

Ancestry

Odon of Poznań

Władysław Odonic

Viacheslava Yaroslavna of Halych

Przemysł I

? Mestwin I of Pomerelia

Hedwig

? Zwinisława

Przemysł II

Henry I the Bearded

Henry II the Pious

Hedwig of Andechs

Elisabeth of Wrocław

Ottokar I of Bohemia

Anna of Bohemia

Constance of Hungary

References

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• Stanisław Krzyżanowski, Regnum Poloniae, vol. I, II, [in:] "Sprawozdania Akademii Umiejętności, Wydział Historyczno-Filozoficzny", 1905, nr 5, pp. 14–16, 1913, nr 9, pp. 20–24.
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• Brygida Kürbis, Dziejopisarstwo wielkopolskie w XIII i XIV w., Warsaw 1959.
• Gerard Labuda, Mściwoj II, Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. XXII, Wrocław 1977, pp. 229–231.
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• Henryk Łowmiański, Początki Polski, vol. VI, Warsaw 1985.
• Norbert Mika, Imię Przemysł w wielkopolskiej linii Piastów. Niektóre aspekty stosunków książąt wielkopolskich z Czechami do połowy XIII wieku, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 247–255.
• Sławomir Musiał, Bitwa pod Siewierzem i udział w niej Wielkopolan, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 161–166.
• Bronisław Nowacki, Czeskie roszczenia do korony w Polsce w latach 1290–1335, Poznań 1987.
• Bronisław Nowacki, Przemysł II, książę wielkopolski, król Polski 1257–1295, Poznań 1995.
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• Bronisław Nowacki, Zabiegi o zjednoczenie państwa i koronację królewską w latach 1284 i 1285 na tle rywalizacji Przemysła II z Henrykiem IV Prawym, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 153–160.
• Bronisław Nowacki, Związki małżeńskie książąt jednoczycieli państwa polskiego w drugiej połowie XIII wieku na tle ich polityki zjednoczeniowej. Rola polityczna margrabiów brandenburskich z młodszej linii askańskiej, [in:] Docento discimus. Studia historyczne poświęcone Profesorowi Zbigniewowi Wielgoszowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, ed. K. Kaczmarka and J. Nikodema, Poznań 2000, pp. 161–171.
• Tomasz Nowakowski, Krakowska kapituła katedralna wobec panowania Przemyślidów w Małopolsce w latach 1292–1306, [in:] "Przegląd Historyczny", vol. LXXXII, 1991, t. 1, pp. 1–20.
• Tomasz Nowakowski, Małopolska elita władzy wobec rywalizacji o tron krakowski w latach 1288–1306, Bydgoszcz 1992.
• Tomasz Nowakowski, Stosunki między Przemysłem II a Władysławem Łokietkiem w okresie walk o Kraków po śmierci Leszka Czarnego (1288–1291), [in:] "Roczniki historyczne", vol. LIV, 1988, pp. 143–161.
• Krzysztof Ożóg, Przemysł II, [in:] Piastowie. Leksykon biograficzny, Kraków 1999, pp. 154–161.
• Jan Pakulski, Itinerarium książęco-królewskie Przemysła II, [in:] "Studia Źródłoznawcze", vol. XXXIX, 2001, pp. 69–94.
• Jan Pakulski, Nałęcze w Wielkopolsce w średniowieczu. Genealogia, uposażenie i rola polityczna w XII–XIV w., Warsaw 1982.
• Jan Pakulski, Rola polityczna Beniamina Zaremby w drugiej połowie XIII wieku, [in:] "Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu. Nauki Humanistyczno-Społeczne", vol. XXXV, Historia V, 1969, pp. 21–32.
• Jan Pakulski, Ród Zarembów w Wielkopolsce w XIII i początkach XIV wieku. Prace Komisji Historii XI, Bydgoskie Towarzystwo Naukowe, serie C, nr 16, 1975, pp. 103–137.
• Jan Pakulski, Stosunki Przemysła II z duchowieństwem metropolii gnieźnieńskiej, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 81–100.
• Zenon Piech, O pieczęciach, herbach i monetach Przemysła II (Uwagi dyskusyjne), [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 181–198.
• Zenon Piech, Studia nad symboliką zjednoczeniową pieczęci książąt piastowskich w drugiej połowie XIII wieku i początkach XIV wieku, "Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace historyczne", vol. LXXXIV, 1987, pp. 37–60.
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• Poczet królów i książąt polskich, ed. VII, Warsaw 1996.
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• Jan Powierski, Krzyżacka polityka Przemysła II w pierwszym okresie aktywności politycznej, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 101–122.
• Edward Rymar, Próba identyfikacji Jakuba Kaszuby, zabójcy króla Przemysła II, w powiązaniu z ekspansją brandenburską na północne obszary Wielkopolski, [in:] Niemcy – Polska w średniowieczu. Materiały z konferencji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Instytut Historii UAM w dniach 14–16 XI 1983 r., ed. J. Strzelczyka, Poznań 1986, pp. 203–224.
• Edward Rymar, Przynależność polityczna wielkopolskich ziem zanoteckich między dolną Drawą i dolną Gwdą, oraz Wielenia, Czarnkowa i Ujścia w latach 1296–1368, [in:] "Roczniki Historyczne", vol. L, 1984, pp. 39–84.
• Edward Rymar, Stosunki Przemysła II z margrabiami brandenburskimi ze starszej linii askańskiej w latach 1279–1296, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 123–144.
• Tadeusz Silnicki, Kazimierz Gołąb, Arcybiskup Świnka i jego epoka, Poznań 1956.
• Szczęsny Skibiński, Bolesław Chrobry a Przemysł II. O królewskich pomnikach w katedrze poznańskiej, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 299–306.
• Andrzej Skulimowski, Skulimowski M., Magister Mikołaj, nadworny lekarz książąt wielkopolskich w II połowie XIII wieku i na początku XIV wieku, [in:] "Archiwum Historii Medycyny", vol. XXIV, 1958, nr ¾, pp. 285–290.
• Krzysztof Skupieński, Miejsce notariatu publicznego wśród świadków realizacji programu politycznego arcybiskupa Jakuba Świnki, [in:] "Kwartalnik Historyczny", vol. XCVI, 1989, nr 3, pp. 63–84.
• Aleksander Swieżawski, Dux regni Poloniae i heres regni Poloniae. Ze studiów nad tytulaturą władców polskich na przełomie XIII i XIV wieku, [in:] "Przegląd Historyczny", vol. LXXX, 1989, t. 3, pp. 429–438.
• Aleksander Swieżawski, Plany koronacyjne Henryka Probusa. Królestwo polskie czy królestwo krakowskie?, [in:] "Studia z Dziejów Państwa i Prawa Polskiego", vol. IV, 1999, pp. 139–146.
• Aleksander Swieżawski, Przemysł – król Polski, Wydawnictwo "DiG", Warsaw 2006.
• Błażej Śliwiński, Rola polityczna możnowładztwa na Pomorzu Gdańskim w czasach Mściwoja II, UG, Gdańsk 1987.
• Błażej Śliwiński, Rządy Przemysła II na Pomorzu Gdańskim w latach 1294–1295, [in:] "Zapiski Historyczne", vol. LIX, 1994, t. 1, pp. 7–27.
• Agnieszka Teterycz, Małopolska elita władzy wobec zamieszek politycznych w Małopolsce w XIII wieku, [in:] Społeczeństwo Polski Średniowiecznej. Zbiór Studiów, ed. S. Kuczyńskiego, vol. IX, Warsaw 2001, pp. 65–87.
• Jan Tęgowski, Uwagi o pieczęciach Przemysła II, "Acta Universitatis Nicolai Copernici. Historia XXIV. Nauki Humanistyczno-Społeczne", t. 204, 1990, pp. 175–183.
• Jan Tęgowski, Zabiegi księcia kujawskiego Władysława Łokietka o tron krakowski w latach 1288–1293, [in:] "Zapiski Kujawsko-Dobrzyńskie", vol. VI, 1987, pp. 43–68.
• Kazimierz Tymieniecki, Odnowienie dawnego królestwa polskiego, [in:] "Kwartalnik Historyczny", t. XXXIV, 1920, pp. 30–87.
• Bolesław Ulanowski, Kilka słów o małżonkach Przemysława II, [in:] "Rozprawy i Sprawozdania z Posiedzeń Wydziału Historyczno-Filozoficznego Akademii Umiejętności", vol. XVII, 1884, pp. 252–274.
• Zofia Waniek, Powiązania genealogiczne askańsko-wielkopolskie w XII i XIII wieku, [in:] "Prace Komisji Historii", XI 1975, Bydgoskie Towarzystwo Naukowe. Prace Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych, serie C, nr 16, pp. 89–101.
• Jacek Wiesiołowski, Zabójstwo księżny Ludgardy w 1283 r., [in:] "Kronika miasta Poznania", 1993, nr 1–2, pp. 7–22.
• Bronisław Włodarski, Elżbieta-Ryksa, [in:] Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. VI, Kraków 1948, pp. 241–242.
• Bronisław Włodarski, Polska i Czechy w drugiej połowie XIII i na początku XIV wieku, Lwów 1931.
• Jerzy Wyrozumski, Gospodarcze i społeczne uwarunkowania procesu zjednoczeniowego w Polsce XIII wieku, [in:] Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowej, Poznań 1997, pp. 57–64.
• Stanisław Zachorowski, Wiek XIII i panowanie Władysława Łokietka, [in:] Grodecki R., Zachorowski S., Dąbrowski J., Dzieje Polski średniowiecznej w dwu tomach, vol. I, by 1933, Kraków 1926, ed. II, Kraków 1995.
• Krystyna Zielińska, Zjednoczenie Pomorza Gdańskiego z Wielkopolską. Umowa kępińska 1282 r., Toruń 1968.
• Benedykt Zientara, Przemysł II, [in:] Poczet królów i książąt polskich, Warsaw 1984, pp. 212–217.
• Paweł Żmudzki, Studium podzielonego Królestwa. Książę Leszek Czarny, Warsaw 2000.

Chronicles

• Chronica Oliviensis auctore Stanislao abbate Olivensi, ed. W. Kętrzyński, [in:] MPH, vol. VI, Kraków 1893, pp. 310–350.
• Cronica Przbkonis de Tradenina dicti Pulcaua, [in:] Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. V, ed. J. Emler, Prague 1893.
• Jan Długosz, Roczniki, czyli kroniki sławnego Królestwa Polskiego, fr. VII, Warsaw 1974.
• Kodeks dyplomatyczny Małopolski, ed. F. Piekosiński, vol. III, Kraków 1887.
• Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski, ed. I. Zakrzewski, vol. I-V, Poznań 1877–1908.
• Kronika książąt polskich, ed. Z. Węglewski, [in:] MPH, vol. III, Lwów 1878, pp. 423–578.
• Kronika wielkopolska, ed. B. Kürbis, transl. K. Abgarowicz, introduction and commentaries B. Kürbis, Warsaw 1965.
• Petra Zitovskeho kronika zbraslavska [in:] Fontes rerum Bohemicarum, vol. IV, ed. J. Emler, Prague 1884.
• Rocznik Traski, [in:] MPH, vol. II, Lwów 1872, pp. 826–861.

See also

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Przemysł II of Poland.

• History of Poland (966–1385)
• Dukes of Greater Poland
• Jakub Świnka
• Royal coronations in Poland

Przemysł II Piast dynasty Born: 14 October 1257 Died: 8 February 1296
Regnal titles
Preceded by Bolesław the Pious	Duke of Poznań 1273–1296	Succeeded by Władysław I the Elbow-high
	Duke of Greater Poland 1279–1296
	Duke of Kalisz 1279–1296
	Duke of Gniezno 1279–1296
	Duke of Wieluń 1279–1281	Succeeded by Henryk IV Probus
Preceded by Henryk IV Probus	Duke of Wieluń 1287–1296	Succeeded by Władysław I the Elbow-high
	High Duke of Poland 1290–1291	Succeeded by Wenceslaus II of Bohemia
Preceded by Bolesław II the Generous	King of Poland 1295–1296
Preceded by Mestwin II	Duke of Pomerelia (Gdańsk Pomerania) 1294–1296	Succeeded by Leszek of Inowrocław